Over the past year, Kenya has witnessed a growing wave of people’s protests, as Kenyans have taken to the streets to voice their frustrations with the government. When the current administration was elected in August 2022, it came into power with numerous promises aimed at cushioning Kenyans from harsh economic realities. A large section of the population placed their hopes in the new leadership, trusting that things would improve.
However, as time went by, that hope began to fade. Many Kenyans watched with growing concern as the economic situation worsened. Their patience was further tested when leaders began to openly display their wealth in the midst of national hardship. A striking example was Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen, who, in a widely publicized interview, appeared to boast about his expensive attire. As reported by local newspaper it appeared that he was showing off his wealth at a time when Kenyans complained about the political class living large, swimming in opulence while as the common person tighten their belts to afford the most basic needs.
Such displays of opulence in the face of public suffering deepened public resentment. These and similar incidents have fueled the protests that we shall explore later. But first, it is important to look back at Kenya’s history of people resistance and protest to understand how this current moment fits into a broader pattern.
Historical Roots of Resistance or Protests
Kenya’s history since the arrival of foreign powers has been marked by persistent resistance across its many nationalities. When the Portuguese arrived and occupied the Kenyan coastline in the 15th century, the coastal communities, together with the Omani Arabs living in the region, organized themselves and successfully expelled the invaders. During the early years of British colonial rule, leaders such as Waiyaki wa Hinga, Mekatilili wa Menza, Wanje wa Madoroka, Moraa wa Ngiti, Harry Thuku, and Muthoni Nyanjiru mobilized their people to resist colonial domination. Although these early resistance efforts were ultimately suppressed due to the superior weaponry of the colonial forces, they demonstrated that resistance or protest was not only possible but essential for survival in the face of oppression.
In the early 1930s, the forces of production had expanded, leading to significant economic growth driven largely by the labour of both skilled and unskilled workers. The owners of capital, primarily white colonialists extracted maximum profits from the workers, the majority of whom were Black. In response to this exploitation, workers began organizing under trade unions and mounted numerous protests, including a notable one in 1936. Some of the union leaders, such as Makhan Singh and Kibachia were arrested and detained for their activism. For instance, Makhan Singh was arrested in 1951 and remained imprisoned until 1961.
The colonialists dispossessed peasants of their land, forcing them to sell their labour to white capitalists in order to survive. Backed by the colonial government, these capitalists exploited the workers to the fullest, making it extremely difficult for them to earn enough to sustain themselves and their families. With no viable alternatives, many peasants resisted some joining the Kenya Land and Freedom Army (Mau Mau) in the 1950s to fight for both political and economic liberation. Though largely a peasant-led movement, the Mau Mau also drew in urban workers like Bildad Kaggia, who contributed class consciousness and organizational experience. This resistance played an important role in the broader struggle that ultimately led to Kenya’s independence.
Post-Independence Betrayals and Continued Protest
After Kenya attained flag independence in 1963, little changed for the majority of Kenyans. The post-independence government inherited and maintained colonial-era structures that had been used to suppress and oppress peasants and workers. Rather than dismantle these systems, the new government used them to silence dissenting voices. However, the people did not remain passive as conditions deteriorated, they protested.
In 1969, for instance, students at the University of Nairobi boycotted classes after the government denied left-leaning politician Jaramogi Oginga Odinga permission to deliver a lecture at the university. The General Service Unit (GSU), a paramilitary wing of the Kenya Police Service, was quickly deployed to the campus, resulting in violent confrontations. That same year, the assassination of right-wing politician Tom Mboya, widely believed to have been orchestrated under President Jomo Kenyatta’s watch, sparked widespread street protests. A similar pattern followed in 1975, when JM Kariuki, a liberal politician who often spoke out on behalf of the common people, was assassinated. His death, like those before, triggered a wave of public outrage and protest.
In the 1980s, President Daniel arap Moi’s neo-colonial government took a decidedly authoritarian turn, especially following the failed coup attempt of August 1982. In the aftermath, Moi manipulated the constitution and eroded democratic principles, steering the country toward outright fascism. Progressive voices, particularly members of the Marxist-oriented December Twelve Movement (DTM), were arrested, tortured, and imprisoned. Many others who advocated for democracy suffered the same fate.
This intensifying repression sparked growing public resistance, culminating in the historic Saba Saba protests on July 7, 1990. Demonstrators called for the introduction of a multi-party political system in Kenya. The state responded with brutal force: at least 20 people were killed by police gunfire, and 1,056 others were arrested and charged.
Unable to withstand mounting pressure, Moi convened a KANU National Governing Council meeting in December 1990, where delegates proposed constitutional amendments to reintroduce multi-party politics. The Attorney General was directed to prepare the necessary legislation, leading to Kenya’s official return to multi-party status.
However, the reintroduction of multi-partyism did not bring the transformative change many Kenyans had hoped for. Recognising this, civil society organizations, including the Citizens Coalition for Constitutional Change (4Cs), the National Convention Executive Council (NCEC), and Release Political Prisoners (RPP), launched a renewed campaign for a new constitution. Opposition parties eventually joined this movement, amplifying pressure on the Moi regime.
Though resistant, KANU ultimately conceded to limited reforms through the Inter-Party Parliamentary Group (IPPG) in 1997. These reforms, focused primarily on the electoral process, left intact the broader authoritarian structures of governance. In the general elections of December that year, KANU once again used these structures to retain power, securing only 40% of the vote against a divided opposition that garnered 60% a clear indication of how entrenched state power continued to undermine democratic outcomes.
The constitutional reform process was revived in November 1997 with the enactment of the Constitution of Kenya Review Act, which established a legal framework for constitutional change and proposed a parliamentary-led process. However, civil society organizations (CSOs) and other key stakeholders were excluded from both the drafting and decision-making stages. In response, CSOs strongly protested their exclusion and rejected the purely parliamentary route.
These protests yielded results. The government eventually agreed to include progressive groups, CSOs and the religious groups in the process, leading to the amendment of the Constitution of Kenya Review Act to allow for broader participation. After more than two decades of sustained struggle, marked by protests, advocacy, and mobilization, a new bourgeois constitution was finally promulgated in August 2010, representing a major milestone in Kenya’s democratic journey.
Protests Co-opted by Political Elites
Since the adoption of the new constitution in 2010, Kenya has witnessed numerous protests. However, the most impactful ones have often been led by politicians from major political parties. Unfortunately, these protests have typically been driven by short-term political interests aimed at securing power or privileges, rather than addressing the deeper structural issues affecting the majority. These narrow agendas are often disguised as popular causes and sold to the people, particularly the poor and disenfranchised as struggles on their behalf.
A striking example is the 2007/2008 post-election crisis, following the disputed re-election of President Mwai Kibaki. The opposition, led by the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), rejected the results and called for nationwide protests. The violence that ensued claimed over 1,000 lives and displaced hundreds of thousands. Eventually, a political compromise was reached in the form of a coalition government between the ruling party and the opposition, once again privileging political elites over justice for victims.
A similar pattern unfolded after the 2017 general elections. The opposition, under the National Super Alliance (NASA), again disputed the results and even went as far as swearing in its leader, Raila Odinga, as the “People’s President.” Yet, shortly afterward, Odinga and President Uhuru Kenyatta entered into a secret agreement, famously known as the “Handshake,” under the guise of promoting national unity and reconciliation. This elite pact sidelined the very grievances that had fueled public anger.
In 2022, the script repeated itself. The opposition challenged the presidential election results and filed a petition at the Supreme Court, which ultimately upheld William Ruto’s victory. Capitalising on growing discontent with the government’s failure to address pressing issues, the opposition called for weekly protests. Odinga, once again at the forefront, declared “Maandamano (Protest) Mondays,” demanding government action on the rising cost of living, the reconstitution of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), the safeguarding of multi-party democracy, and an audit of the 2022 presidential election servers.
However, it has become customary during such crises, the opposition entered into negotiations with the ruling party, leading to the formation of a bipartisan technical team. This team was tasked with discussing a range of issues, including electoral reforms, cost of living concerns, political party funding, and the creation of an official office of the opposition. Yet, the outcome, as in past instances, remained largely symbolic, serving elite interests more than those of the protesting masses.
After winning over opposition leader Raila Odinga, the government grew increasingly emboldened, becoming indifferent to the cries of the people. Its attention turned outward, prioritizing alignment with imperialist powers, particularly the United States. This shift was evident when U.S. President Joe Biden pledged to designate Kenya as a major non-NATO ally, making it the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to receive such status.
Since assuming office, President William Ruto has increasingly aligned himself with imperialist interests, betraying the very people he once vowed to serve. His administration has embraced a neoliberal policy agenda that has deepened social and economic inequalities. One of his first major actions was lifting the ban on genetically modified crops (GMOs), followed closely by the removal of subsidies on essential commodities such as maize flour and fuel, directly worsening the cost of living for ordinary Kenyans.
In April 2024, the government introduced a Finance Bill that proposed new taxes on basic goods including sanitary pads, diapers, edible oil, and bread. These regressive taxes were part of a stringent fiscal package recommended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), a move widely criticised as prioritizing external demands over citizens’ welfare. The bill triggered immediate nationwide outrage, but the government ignored public dissent and pushed the legislation through Parliament.
The passage of the Finance Act provoked even greater anger, leading to a storming of parliament by young people. The series of protests were powerful, widespread, and defiant, eventually forcing the government to withdraw the Finance Act on 26th June 2024.
However, the withdrawal of the Finance Act did not bring an end to the protests. Demonstrators continued to demand the resignation of President Ruto, citing broader grievances beyond taxation, among them corruption, impunity, and economic mismanagement. In response, the government resorted to unconstitutional and repressive tactics, including extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, and abductions aimed at silencing dissent.
These brutal actions intimidated many would-be protesters, narrowing the movement to a determined core of social justice activists. Cornered by public pressure and mounting outrage, President Ruto responded by dismissing his entire cabinet and promising sweeping changes. Among these was a pledge to cut national spending by over 177 billion shillings (approximately $1.38 billion) in the fiscal year starting in July. He also vowed to hold rogue police officers accountable and to put an end to police abductions and other forms of unlawful repression.
Neoliberalism, Imperialism, and State Repression
The Ruto–Raila political bromance culminated in members of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), Odinga’s party, joining the government as cabinet secretaries in late 2024. However, not all members of the opposition coalition followed suit, parties such as Wiper Democratic Movement, NARC-Kenya, Jubilee, and the Democratic Action Party–Kenya opted to remain outside the arrangement. This political marriage gave the government renewed confidence and, in turn, a growing disregard for the promises it had made to the people after the June protests.
A glaring example of this backtracking was President Ruto’s decision to increase the number of State House advisors from 7 to 17 directly contradicting a commitment he made on July 5, 2025, to reduce the number of advisors by 50% as part of efforts to cut government spending.
Meanwhile, police repression continued unabated, culminating in the death of Albert Ojuang inside a Nairobi police station. Albert had been arrested after exposing corruption involving senior police officers, particularly Deputy Police Commissioner Langat. It is widely believed that Ojuang was apprehended at Langat’s request and forcibly transported from his home in Homa Bay County to Nairobi, a distance of roughly 300 kilometers. Upon arrival at the station, he was reportedly tortured to death.
In a bid to cover up the incident, the police initially claimed that Ojuang died by suicide, alleging that he had fatally injured himself by hitting his head against a wall while alone in a cell. This narrative was met with widespread outrage and disbelief. Nationwide protests erupted, demanding justice and the arrest of Langat. Under mounting pressure, the police were forced to retract the suicide claim. In an attempt to deflect blame, they arrested several junior officers, while Langat, the main suspect, merely “stepped aside” under the pretense of allowing investigations to proceed.
The People’s Defiance
Plans to honour those who lost their lives during the 2024 anti-Finance Bill protests began in early June 2025. According to organizers, the commemoration was to take the form of a protest procession led by the families of the victims, culminating at the Parliament Buildings where a petition demanding compensation would be presented to Members of Parliament. The police were officially notified and initially promised to escort and provide security for the families.
The call for the protest resonated widely, particularly among the youth, many of whom saw it as an opportunity to express their anger over the government’s failure to fulfil the promises made in the aftermath of the protests. Some even vowed to march all the way to State House. In response, the government deployed police to block all public transport vehicles from accessing Nairobi’s Central Business District (CBD), an attempt to frustrate and deter protesters from gathering in the city centrer.
Despite the road closures, determined protesters still made their way to the CBD. In anticipation, the government had deployed hundreds of police officers who responded to the peaceful demonstration with tear gas, targeting protesters chanting slogans and holding placards bearing the names of the victims.
Later in the afternoon, chaos erupted as criminal elements, widely believed to have been planted or sponsored by the state took advantage of the unrest. They vandalized property and looted businesses, leaving many traders counting heavy losses. This tactic appeared designed to discredit the protest and shift public attention away from its original purpose: justice and remembrance for those who had paid the ultimate price.
Conclusion
Like many other neo-colonial states, the Kenyan government is grappling with a deepening capitalist crisis. However, instead of addressing its root causes, it has chosen to adopt neoliberal policies, solutions that only exacerbate the crisis and disproportionately burden the lower classes, particularly workers and peasants. Many of these policies, such as those imposed under the guise of structural adjustment and fiscal reform, are heavily influenced and supported by imperialist institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF). As noted earlier, the 2024 Finance Bill, which sparked widespread protests, was a direct result of IMF-driven conditionalities, including increased taxation on essential goods.
